Who’s Winning?

By SHABINA S. KHATRI
STAFF REPORTER OF THE WALL STREET JOURNAL

April 11, 2005

It’s too soon to declare victory for either side in the battle over executive pay.

Shareholder activists have scored some points by forcing an increasing number of companies to place compensation-limit proposals on the proxy ballots of annual meetings.

But companies have also scored points by arguing that the limits could hurt their ability to recruit top talent.

It’s a battle that has escalated rapidly. Some 265 shareholder resolutions to limit executive pay have been submitted so far this year. Last year, 182 actually came to a vote, up from 163 in 2003 and 25 in 2002, according to the Investor Responsibility Research Center in Washington. The ball got rolling in the fall of 2002, amid a slew of corporate scandals and sinking investor portfolios. “It was obvious that executive-compensation issues were not being addressed in all the post-Enron regulatory reform,” says Rosanna Landis Weaver, an IRCC senior analyst.

While most of the resolutions have been defeated, almost a quarter of those voted on in the past three years have won a majority of the votes cast—a surprising rate of success for proposals that almost always are opposed by management. Of the 370 measures voted on in the past three years, four passed in 2002, 49 in 2003 and 40 in 2004. Most were nonbinding, but for so many to have made it to the proxy stage suggests the issue’s increasing importance.

Meanwhile, a small number of other companies targeted for such shareholder activism have agreed to modify their pay-package practices—though it remains unclear what the real effect on compensation at those companies will be. Some boards have limited salary increases with one hand, for example, while enlarging stock awards with the other.

The measures being proposed by shareholders most often include efforts to change severance-package policies, and calls to require expensing of stock options.

Aiming at Parachutes

Campaigns for severance-package limits make up nearly a third of the resolutions passed since 2002. The reasons are twofold: First, shareholders get particularly upset about the lavish benefits given departing executives, such as golden parachutes for those dismissed after a takeover, says Louis Malizia, assistant director of the office of corporate affairs for the Teamsters union in Washington. Mr. Malizia’s office has submitted many such proposals. Adopting severance-pay reform also may be the easiest way for a board to limit executive compensation because it involves deals with future management. “Often the current CEO has a management contract that prevents this proposal from applying” to him or her, Mr. Malizia says.

The next most common proposal is to put the brakes on equity awards in general, and foremost among these is the push to expense stock options.

Last year, 22 of the 40 shareholder proposals that received majority votes involved options expensing, the IRRC says. Requiring companies to count the value of options as an expense against their bottom line, advocates say, would make executive compensation more transparent to outsiders, and discourage pay-plan designers from using excessive amounts of options. This year, out of 28 shareholder resolutions on executive pay submitted by the Washington-based United Brotherhood of Carpenters, nine call for expensing options, the IRRC says.

Many companies, however, fiercely oppose calls to expense options—particularly technology companies, at which options are widely used. At least 10 companies have successfully lobbied the Securities and Exchange Commission to bar options-expensing proposals from their proxies this year on grounds that the proposals don’t meet SEC regulations.

Those who support expensing are encouraged by a ruling from the Financial Accounting Standards Board, the private Norwalk, Conn., group that sets U.S. accounting standards, which says all public companies must begin to expense options. The rule is set to take effect for most companies in third-quarter financial statements. But because of strong lobbying with the SEC and Congress to reject the FASB ruling, the pro-expensing camp hasn’t let up. Ed Durkin, director of corporate affairs for the Carpenters union, hopes the efforts of his group and others “will help send a message” that expensing should become the norm.

One of the least-used strategies is calling for caps on executive pay. Six such resolutions were filed in 2004, the IRRC says. None passed, and voter support averaged less than 8% of the votes cast.

“Those kinds of caps are considered hilarious in corporate boardrooms,” says Ira Kay, head of the compensation-consulting practice for Watson Wyatt Worldwide in New York. “Corporations can’t operate that way because they need to hire talented people from the labor markets.”

Some investors continue to push for caps anyway. Last month at Morgan Stanley’s annual meeting, a resolution on the proxy statement called for a pay cap. Initiated by a small group of shareholders, the resolution proposed to limit CEO pay to “no more than 100 times the average compensation paid to the company’s non-managerial workers in the prior fiscal year, unless the shareholders have approved paying the CEO a greater amount.”

The measure received just shy of 15% of the votes cast at the March 16 meeting. Morgan Stanley, which recommended a vote against the measure, declined to comment on it for this article.

The beauty of this type of proposal is its simplicity, says Dan Steininger, chairman of the Milwaukee-based Catholic Equity Fund, which co-sponsored the resolution at Morgan Stanley and which seeks to invest in companies that promote Catholic values.

“We don’t have any problem with the CEO making a lot of money,” Mr. Steininger says. “But if you think your CEO is worth more than 100 times the average worker, then explain why and let the shareholders vote on it.”

Not a Lost Cause

Though most executive-pay resolutions are rejected, they can sometimes still achieve their purpose. A 1999 study on pay-related resolutions co-authored by Randall Thomas, a law professor at the Vanderbilt University Law School, Nashville, concluded that regardless of whether the proposals won proxy votes, they did moderate executive compensation at companies that had them.

The study looked at executive-compensation proposals submitted from 1993 to 1997, and found that one year after a shareholder resolution was voted on, companies showed an average 2% compensation increase, compared with an average 22.3% increase at companies in the same industry at which no such proposal was voted on. The difference also was present in the second year after a vote, says Mr. Thomas.

The study, which looked at both cash and equity awards, also found that companies with pay-related resolutions tended to shift compensation away from options and into cash sources of income, like salary and bonuses. The amount of stock options awarded fell an average of 3% at companies where pay-related proposals were voted on, and rose an average of 30% at companies that held no vote.

Some investor proposals have attempted to limit cash compensation rather than equity. This can be a controversial approach. Giving shareholders control over cash compensation is good only “for publicity purposes,” says Keith Fortier, director of compensation at Salary.com, a compensation consulting firm in Needham, Mass. Any drop in an executive’s salary or bonus, he says, “is smoke and mirrors, and is usually made up for with equity compensation.”

But Robert Fields, a New York lawyer who specializes in employment contracts, argues that while a board can make up for limits on cash by increasing equity, giving shareholders power over cash compensation is “a reasonable compromise.” Cash, he says, is more valuable to managers than equity. Allowing shareholders to control cash compensation also gives them control over real assets of the company, he says, though he adds that such policies may reduce boards’ ability to attract new executives.

Who Blinked?

Since mid-2003, the New York Stock Exchange and Nasdaq Stock Market have required listed companies to get shareholder approval of any plan that provides stock or options as compensation. The new rule also mandates shareholder clearance of material revisions such as the repricing of stock options. But the prospect of seeing their plans protested—or defeated—at the annual meeting makes some boards skittish.

An IRRC analysis found that investor opposition to stock-plan proposals averaged 24.6% for shareholder meetings held during the 12 months ended October 2004, and seven proposed plans failed entirely. As a result, some companies are working with institutional shareholders on plans ahead of time to be sure the investors like a plan before there is a vote.

Other companies are promising to amend their compensation policies rather than face a shareholder resolution on the matter. This year, such companies as Merrill Lynch & Co. Inc., Morgan Stanley, Harley-Davidson Inc. and Pitney Bowes Inc. pledged to change or improve pay practices—agreements that resulted in shareholders’ dropping campaigns to get a proposal on a proxy, says Carol Bowie, the IRRC’s director of governance research.

Most of the companies say the modifications were in the works before shareholders raised the issue. Morgan Stanley, for instance, recently said it would start granting executives restricted stock instead of stock options after proponents dropped efforts for a stockholder resolution on the issue. When asked for details on the decision, a spokeswoman referred to the company’s 2004 proxy statement, which affirms Morgan Stanley’s commitment to link executive compensation with performance goals and to align employee interests with those of shareholders.

Analysts predict that pay-related shareholder resolutions will continue to spread. But many remain skeptical about how much more impact they will produce. “Shareholder action, and sometimes shareholder outrage, do provide some constraints on pay,” says Lucian Bebchuk, a professor at Harvard Law School. “But the limited power that shareholders now have makes these constraints rather mild.”

‘The Phenomenon of the Native-Born Disengagement’: Bringing Our Youth Back Into the Masjid

April 2005

By Shabina S. Khatri

Jeffrey Lang is coming to town! For those of you who’ve never had the pleasure of reading this man’s brilliant books, I highly encourage you to do so. In his most recent work, “Losing My Religion: A Call for Help,” Lang unapologetically and insightfully covers an issue that plagues many Muslim American communities, including our own — youth retention.

In a nutshell, Lang says younger Muslims are turned off by the “mosque subculture” because it seems “to be the antithesis of the larger society in which they must learn, live and work.” The problem is exacerbated because “not only are most Muslim youth uncomfortable with the American Islamic community, but the community is also quite uncomfortable with them.” Why can’t we all just get along?

The reasons are many, and predictable — age gap, culture gap, etc. The real question is, what can we do to fix it? But before addressing this issue, perhaps we should first discuss why it even needs fixing. So let’s talk numbers.

Given that waves of Muslims have been immigrating to the U.S. since the late 1950s, our masajid should theoretically be full of second- and third-generation members. Yet this is clearly not the case. True, our communities are swelling, but that’s because we keep getting infusions from overseas. Well, that’s simply not sustainable, especially since the government has already begun to stem the tide of these immigrants. The vitality of the American Muslim community, then, as Lang says, lies in its ability to attract and retain descendents and/or converts. So without the active participation of these groups, we will soon lose our community foundation. And without our foundation, a loss of faith is sure to follow.

Scary stuff. Now, how can we make it all better? There’s no simple solution, but the key, Lang says, is open communication between all parties. This is no small feat, given that parents may be too embarrassed to talk about the religious challenges their children face, and that estranged youth may have no desire to return to a faith that makes no sense to them.

This latter issue is a big one; Lang devotes the majority of his book to discussing questions commonly asked by native-born American Muslims, many of whom, so conflicted by these unanswered issues, teeter on the brink of apostasy.

Why have their questions gone unaddressed for so long? The problem starts at home. In my own experiences, I’ve found that immigrants and their children often confuse talking at one another with talking to one another. For example, just because dad thinks he explained to his son why dating is prohibited doesn’t mean his son buys the logic. Similarly, just because mom explains why it’s ok for men to have four wives doesn’t mean her daughter accepts the rationale. So even if a conversation took place, that doesn’t mean it was fruitful.

Much of this could just be the generation gap that separates the kids from the adults. Maybe it’s like Will Smith said, “parents just don’t understand.” But for the Muslim community, age isn’t the only obstacle — our distinct cultures also play a role.

In the U.S., children are taught to question all types of authority, not just elected officials and teachers, but also our parents, so it’s no surprise that we have questions about our faith, too. And that’s perfectly natural. In many cases, it’s even a blessing, because devising explanations for those sticky issues deepens our understanding of Islam, in turn strengthening our faith.

But for many of our parents, questioning the traditions espoused by our elders is interpreted as a sign of disrespect. Deference to those older than us is indeed a tenet of our faith, but ageism is certainly not. Yet many estranged Muslims will testify how frustratingly prevalent a “because-I-said-so” mentality has become in our masajid. And to some elders, separating culture from religion may seem almost blasphemous.

Given that most immigrants (of all cultures and religions) are terrified of assimilation, this reluctance to part with the “old way” of doing things is completely understandable. But it’s imperative to also understand that abandoning an unfounded custom is not the same as renouncing one’s family values or cultural heritage. In fact, stubbornly adhering to an un-Islamic convention is just as bad as refusing to follow an Islamic one.

I don’t mean to put this all on the immigrants. Let’s face it, without the contributions of these strong, self-sacrificing and resilient people, we would have no masajid to attend, no Sunday Schools to send our kids to, and no place to hold our community functions. We owe a great deal to these sincere Muslims. But as our elders, you have the power to bring a new tone into our masajid, to sweep in the winds of tolerance and change. As our leaders, the onus is on you to jumpstart the conversation.

As for the estranged Muslim Americans, it’s so much easier to give up than to keep fighting. Maybe just thinking about the struggle makes you tired. But consider the prize, consider the rewards, of having a community that watches your back, of taking your kids to a place filled with other children who are also struggling to form a Muslim-American identity. During the Prophet (SAW)’s time, the masjid was the center of society, a pillar of communal strength. Being cut off from the masjid back then was like being disowned by your family.

It’s time now to reconcile our families, and bring back those whom we’ve driven away. For more on this issue, check out Lang’s book, which you can buy online at www.amana-publications.com. And remember, addressing the disengagement of our native-born Muslims is the only way to ensure the future of our communities. Otherwise, we might as well kiss Islam in America goodbye.

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